ABSTRACT
Introducción: La llegada a Cuba en el siglo XIX de los culíes contratados para realizar los trabajos agrícolas, conllevó la llegada de médicos chinos, practicantes de la medicina herbolaria. Objetivo: Caracterizar la vida y obra de dos médicos inmigrantes chinos del siglo XIX desde sus historias, quienes alcanzaron notoriedad en su época por sus comportamientos profesional y humano en la práctica de la Medicina, lejanos uno del otro en la Isla. Material y Métodos: Se presenta una revisión bibliográfica de las publicaciones periódicas indexadas en las bases de datos SciELO y Google Académico; libros, artículos periodísticos y publicaciones periódicas de la época que se encuentran como fondos de la Biblioteca Nacional de Cuba José Martí. Se consultaron como fuentes básicas Emilio Roig, Chouffat Latour, Delgado García y Portel Vilá. Desarrollo: Se obtuvo que los médicos herbolarios Siam y Juan Chambombiá permitieron lograr salvar a enfermos desahuciados en esa época, y ganar por ello notoriedad; mostraron cualidades humanas de desinterés y ayuda a los humildes. Las disputas referidas a la paternidad de la frase A ese no lo salva ni el médico chino, que ha quedado en el hablar popular cubano, finalmente fue conferida a Juan Chambombiá. Conclusiones: Siam y Chambombiá se caracterizaron por ser hombres cultos, dedicados a la profesión médica con desinterés y humanismo. Ambos sufrieron persecución e incomprensiones; prejuicios y celos, consecuencia del éxito en el tratamiento a pacientes incurables. Sus huellas han quedado en Cuba por sus comportamientos profesionales y humanos(AU)
Introduction: The arrival of coolies to Cuba in the 19th century, hired to carry out plantation labor, involved the arrival of Chinese doctors who were practicing members of the herbalist medicine. Objective:To characterize the life and work of two Chinese immigrant doctors of the XIX century who became well-known in their epoch because of their human and professional behaviors in the medical practice, even living away from each other in the island. Material and Methods:A bibliographic review of the periodical publications index-linked in SciELO database, and Google Scholar is presented. Books, journalistic articles, and periodical publications of the epoch that are part of the stock of José Martí National Library were reviewed. Basic sources such as Emilio Roig, Chouffat Latour, Delgado García, and Portel Vilá were also consulted. Development:It was known that the herbalist doctors Siam and Juan Chambombiá could cure sick people who were given up all hope of saving in that epoch, thus becoming well-known doctors; they both showed human qualities of lack of interest, and help to the humbles. The arguments referred to the authorship of the phrase: Not even the Chinese doctor can save him, which has remained in the Cuban collection of proverbs, was finally conferred to Juan Chambombiá. Conclusions:Siam and Chambombiá were characterized by being cultured men, dedicated to the medical profession with unselfishness and humanism. Both of them suffered for persecutions, and lack of understanding; prejudices, and jealousy as a consequence of their success in the treatment to incurable patients. Their traces have remained in Cuba because of their professional and human behaviors(AU)
Subject(s)
Humans , Male , History, 19th Century , Physicians , Asian People , Taiwan , Cuba , Emigration and Immigration/historyABSTRACT
Para determinar un perfil estadístico hospitalario de los desórdenes psiquiátricos de los inmigrantes chinos ('culíes') que llegaron al Perú en el siglo XIX (entre 1849 y 1874), después de la abolición de la esclavitud, se realizó un estudio retrospectivo en los archivos del Manicomio del Cercado de Lima conservados en el Hospital Víctor Larco Herrera. Se halló que, entre 1879 y 1902, estuvieron hospitalizados 58 culíes, todos varones, predominantemente solteros y mayores de 40 años. El 57% de los diagnósticos corresponde a 'psicosis tóxica' asociada, fundamentalmente, a opio, 47%, y el10% restante a consumo de alcohol y coca. Los otros diagnósticos podrían ser equivalentes a esquizofrenia o demencia y trastornos bipolares; más escasos, paranoia y psicosis epiléptica. Solo un paciente (1,7%) tuvo el diagnóstico de 'psicosis tóxica' asociada a sífilis ('parálisis general progresiva' (PGP), la forma psiquiátrica de la neurosífilis, cuya frecuencia era hasta diez veces más en otros países.
A retrospective study was made in order to determine a psychiatric statistical profile of the hospitalized Chinese immigrants ('coolies') who came to Peru in the XIX century as indentured labourers alter the abolition of slavery. In the archives of the Manicomio del Cercado in Lima, guarded in the Hospital Victor Larco Herrera; 58 hospitalized coolies were registered between 1859 and 1917, all of them male, mainly single and elder than 40 years old. The most frequent diagnosis (57%) was 'toxic psychosis', 47% associated to opium and 10% to alcohol and coca leaves consume. The rest of the diagnosis could be equivalent to schizophrenia or dementia and bipolar disorders and fewer to paranoia and epileptic psychosis. Only one patient (1.7%) was diagnosed as 'toxic psychosis' associated to syphilis: general paresis of the insane, the psychiatric form of neurosyphilis, whose frequency was even ten times more in other countries.
ABSTRACT
Se indagó sobre los desórdenes de la salud mental de los inmigrantes chinos (culíes) que llegaron al Perú en el siglo XIX, entre 1849 y 1874, para suplir la carencia de mano de obra después de la abolición de la esclavitud. Se revisó las publicaciones históricas sobre las condiciones de vida de esa población; los datos se sustentan en registros provenientes de sus centros de trabajo. Los informes, que abarcan el período entre 1865 y 1900, permitieron delinear alteraciones emocionales y de conducta relacionadas con estrés prolongado (reclutamiento traumático, larga e insalubre travesía marítima, sin familia, con trabajo en condiciones de semiesclavitud y encierro en galpones). Se colige la presencia de estados asteniformes somatógenos, depresivos, hipocondríacos o de simulación en los trabajadores calificados como 'mañosos'. La literatura refiere prácticas homosexuales en el encierro obligado de varones solteros y enfermedades de transmisión sexual que incluye a la sífilis; un elevado consumo de opio que trató de ser reemplazado por alcohol y coca; actitudes de desesperanza, resistencia y rebeldía que condujeron a suicidios y homicidios así como a rebeliones grupales y a colaboracionismo durante la Guerra del Pacífico. Estos hallazgos históricos, confrontados con las estadísticas hospitalarias del Manicomio del Cercado (primera parte), coinciden en señalar el alto consumo de opio, por los cuadros diagnosticados en el hospital psiquiátrico como 'locura tóxica' asociada a ese estupefaciente. Hay una discrepancia entre los informes históricos de frecuentes enfermedades de transmisión sexual, incluyendo sífilis, y la escasa prevalencia hospitalaria de parálisis general progresiva (PGP), la forma psiquiátrica de la neurosífilis revelada en la primera parte de este estudio. En la discusión de esta incongruencia se plantea la posibilidad de una malarioterapia ecológica como factor influyente en la baja prevalencia hospitalaria de PGP.
This part inquires the presence of mental health disorders in Chinese immigrants (coolies) who ca me to Peru between 1849 and 1874 as indentured laborers to supply the lack of manpower after the abolition of slavery. Historical publications about how this population lived were reviewed. The main reports were based on historical records from labor places between 1865 and 1900 and let us outline emotional and conduct disorders related to sustained stress (traumatic draft, long and unhealthy sea voyage, life without family, enslaved work and confinement in slave quarters). It is inferred the presence of asthenic states due to somatic diseases, depression, hypochondriasis or simulation in workers called 'mañosos' (tricky). Literature refers homosexual practices in this male population in compulsory confinement and sexually transmitted diseases including syphilis; a great consume of opium, not replaced by alcohol or coca; hopelessness; resistance and revolt attitudes; suicides; homicides; group revolts and collaborationism during the Pacific War. These historical findings confronted with hospital statistics of the Manicomio del Cercado (part 1) coincidently point out high opium consume, diagnosed in the hospital as 'toxic psychosis' associated with this narcotic. There is a discrepancy between historical reports of frequent sexually transmitted diseases, including syphilis and the low hospital prevalence of general paresis, the psychiatric form of neurosyphilis. This incongruence is discussed and the possibility of an ecological malariotherapy as an influencing factor on the low hospital prevalence of general paresis is proposed.
ABSTRACT
This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin'uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin' uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General's strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.
